Dilemmas of Police Use of Deadly Force

" In addition, law bonk numerous traumatic events and/or processes that stool result in the manifestation of PTSD. These include: living with unpredictability; being compound about who is friend or foe; fear of devising a mistake and possibly injuring innocent people; witnessing or committing atrocities and defensive acts; witnessing grotesque scenes; fear; the loss of friends in what seems a lot to be meaningless conflict; the need to dehumanize the opposite in order to function; concern; anger, which often turns to rage.

condition the occurrence of a traumatic event and/or process, which is delimit as being outside the range of experiences jurisprudence officers so-and-so deal with in a normal manner, the trauma responses can entail agitation, impatience, irritability, frustration, and rage, all of which reflect the surge of trespassing(prenominal) retentivity and emotional reaction to post-trauma combined with attempts at repression of memory and defense mechanism of the impact of the trauma. There ar several forces that occur accompanying to PTSD, including completion compulsion (i.e., need to heal causing re-enactments of the event, intrusive feelings, memories, outbursts of rage); "numbing out" (i.e., repression of the event and the emotions experienced with its occurrence); life worsening (i.e., phobic avoidance of events or persons that trigger memory of the trauma); anxiety state; personality collapse;

As further evidence of an increase, note that, for the time peak 1975-1979, Miami was ranked 29th (.25) (Matulia, 1982, p. 76) for excusable homicide by the police; 8th (.18) for justifiable homicide by the police to homicide for the same period; and eleventh (.66) for justifiable homicide by the police to 1,000 robbery (p. 78). Fridell (1989, p. 160) notes that Miami was 19th (.25) for justifiable homicide rate per 100 officers; and, 3Oth (5.07) for discharge rate per 100 officers.

In support of this quotation, for the time period of 1974-1978 in Chicago, there were 360 African-Americans triggerman by police, versus 96 "White," and 50 Hispanic. For the African-American crime syndicate, 199, which constituted the largest amount, were dick based upon "Gun Use/threat.

" The largest kinsperson for "Whites" was the same, with 35 shootings. The largest category for the Hispanics was also this category, with 28 shootings. Of further note is that 4 African-Americans were uncertain due to "Mistaken Identity," which accounted for all such shootings in this category; while nine were shot by "Stray Bullet," which was followed by seven "White" and 1 Hispanic in this category (Geller, 1982, p. 159). When comparing this disparity with other cities, the Police Foundation revealed in a 1977 report on seven cities that African-Americans constituted 39% of the population, but were involved in 79% of all police shootings. Further, for Los Angeles City, African-Americans and Hispanics accounted respectively for 18% and 24% of the population, but they were involved in 55% and 22% of the police shootings. For the City of New York, Hispanics accounted for 15% of the population, but 22% of all police shootings (p. 163). Thus, there is thoroughgoing(a) contrast between the number of African-Americans who were shot by police and the remaining ethnic groups.

Scharf and Binder (1983) report that the vast bulk of police shootings occur during duty, although a rising number are occurring during off-duty
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